Author Topic: Trumpism is an echo  (Read 1374 times)

90sRetroFan

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Re: Trumpism is an echo
« Reply #30 on: June 22, 2022, 11:29:33 pm »
https://us.yahoo.com/news/editorial-story-jay-proves-racist-163741292.html

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As Gov. Ron DeSantis and loyalist legislators carry on a campaign to control and silence curriculum pertaining to the role historic racism has played in shaping America, research from local historian Tom Garner puts a harsh light on the moral and factual wrongness of how Florida Republicans are trying to manipulate public education and whitewash history that's already been hidden for far too long.

The fact is that historic racism from white Americans against Black Americans continues to shape the places we call home today. The town of Jay is a living local example of that which contradicts the dishonest "culture wars" being pushed by Florida politicians.

As reported by Jim Little, in the early 1920s the Jay area was home to as many as 175 Black residents, almost all of whom were farmers. Today, there are only 13 Black residents in the Jay area and only four in the town itself, according to 2020 census data.

What triggered that exodus of generations of local black farmers was a story largely hidden from public knowledge. After nearly 15 years of research, Garner explains how an argument between a Black farmer and a white farmer started it all.

In short, when a white farmer became angry that he could not immediately use a piece of farming equipment owned by the Black farmer, he attacked the Black farmer with an iron bar. The Black farmer pulled out a gun and shot the white farmer in self defense. But he was forced to flee from being lynched before he was arrested. The resulting uproar from white outrage in the 1920's drove nearly the entire population of Black farmers from their land by 1930 and Jay infamously became a "sundown town" in the decades afterward.
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the story shows how vicious and deep rooted Southern racism drove generations of family off of land and totally reshaped a town that would most likely look extremely different today had those Black families and farmers been allowed to exist freely in peace.
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And this hard, local history underscores the shameful effort by Florida's political class to whitewash, control and manipulate education and history that has already been buried for far too long.

Any plans to give the land back?

90sRetroFan

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90sRetroFan

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Re: Trumpism is an echo
« Reply #32 on: November 03, 2022, 05:27:33 pm »
https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2022/11/01/race-republicans-stephen-miller-trump/

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Political appeals to White insecurity are now explicit

The story of racial politics in the United States over the last half-century isn’t complicated. The passage of the Voting Rights Act helped solidify African American support for Democrats — and provided an opportunity for Republicans in areas hostile to the expansion of voting rights for Blacks.
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Instead of talking specifically about limiting the power of Black Americans (as was common in the Jim Crow era), Republican candidates talked about issues with obvious racial subtexts: integration efforts, states’ rights, support for social services. Richard M. Nixon’s 1968 presidential campaign focused on crime — very much with the understanding of how that focus would be interpreted by White Americans.

In recent years, the facade has slipped. Former president Donald Trump’s appeals to White insecurity were far more explicit than those of prior political candidates. That was in part because he shared that insecurity and saw how it played in conservative media. But it was also timing: A surge in immigration in 2014 and the emergence of Black Lives Matter that same year heightened the concerns of heavily White older Americans. This was measurable and measured.
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it is a non-insignificant effort to make a very specific, unsubtle appeal to the concerns of White Americans.
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The right’s backlash against this vague thing called “woke” is largely a function of treating individual calls for respecting minority voices as somehow being a systemic call to do so. It is the idea that there is a hierarchy of power that exerts itself outside of the law and forces compliance through shaming and compliance. So some professor at San Diego State who puts “she/her” in her Twitter bio becomes part of the vanguard of organized oppression against real America.

This idea that Whites are disadvantaged is cultural and generational and amplified repeatedly in an increasingly unconstrained right-wing media. Miller’s unsubtle intertwining of hostility to immigration and race manifests in this ad that specifically asserts that White America is on the decline.

The appeals used to be coded, quiet. Present and identifiable, but shying away from specific “they’re coming for you” language. The coding is gone. The elevation of racial fear is explicit. The Southern strategy is gone; the Jim Crow appeals to Blacks usurping power are back.

That PRRI poll found that two-thirds of Republicans think American culture and way of life have changed for the worse since 1950. The America First Legal ad is nostalgic for that era in all the wrong ways.

rp

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Re: Demographic Blueshift
« Reply #33 on: November 19, 2022, 12:10:13 am »

90sRetroFan

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Re: Trumpism is an echo
« Reply #34 on: November 20, 2022, 02:00:31 pm »
https://www.yahoo.com/news/opinion-donald-trump-running-president-120000877.html

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Trump was, and continues to be, the chief executive not of a nation, or of the Republican Party, or even of a cult, but of a culture — namely a culture of white supremacy.

This is actually worse than it sounds. Even very “woke” Americans tend to see white supremacy as an isolated dynamic synonymous with racism, the “bad” America. But what many people don’t realize is that white supremacy is a culture that is much broader and deeper than that. It is about racialized power, an assumed authority of white people (chiefly men) to set and enforce the social and moral order as they see fit, often in the service of values that on their face sound noble, like tradition or family.

In this culture, the presidency, electoral politics, the Constitution, rule of law, democratic ideals, liberalism, decency — all are incidental. They can never matter as much as white peoples’ ultimate right to power.

The gravitational pull of white supremacy in America is not new. It is part of who we’ve always been. What is new is that in 2022, under the increasingly thin guise of conservatism — and greatly aided by the internet, social media and big media like Fox News — the culture of white supremacy has gone fully, almost gleefully mainstream. Republican policy agendas have been replaced with relentless attacks on critical race theory and the whole notion of social justice
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what is particularly worrisome is that Trump doesn’t have to win elections for this culture to persist. As long as Trump remains Trump — unapologetically bigoted, xenophobic, right in all circumstances — he’ll have loyal supporters in his culture war. Elections are just a technicality.

This is dangerous because in 2022, this culture war is increasingly veering toward actual combat. American history has been written in violence, most often perpetrated by whites against the “Other” — Indigenous folks, Black people, immigrants of color.

Yes:

https://trueleft.createaforum.com/true-left-vs-right/if-we-lose/

Which is why we need:

https://trueleft.createaforum.com/true-left-vs-false-left/firearms/

Continuing:

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a majority of Republicans agree with the sentiment that “the American way of life is disappearing so fast” that “they may have to use force to save it.” Many of these Republicans don’t fit the typical profile of an extremist, at least not on the surface. “Those committing far-right violence — particularly planned violence rather than spontaneous hate crimes — are older and more established than the typical terrorist and violent criminal,” she writes. “They often hold jobs, are married and have children. Those who attend church or belong to community groups are more likely to hold violent, conspiratorial beliefs. They are not isolated ‘lone wolves,’ they are part of a focused community that echoes their ideas.”
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“the bedrock idea uniting right-wing communities who condone violence is that white Christian men in the United States are under cultural and demographic threat and require defending — and that it is the Republican Party and Donald Trump, in particular, who will safeguard their way of life.” Case in point: talk about civil war rose exponentially — by nearly 3,000 percent — after the Justice Department’s search of Mar-a-Lago.
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In one of the most indelible moments captured on video during the Capitol riots, white rioters surrounded and screamed “**** n-----r” at a Black cop.
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White supremacy is meant for all white people, whether they approve of it or not; the culture war spearheaded by Trump is therefore a white problem and has to be cast as such, and fought as such.

But that’s not happening, even in the wake of the midterm defeats. Trump and his ilk have faced little organized resistance to an ecosystem that benefits far too many. For all the anger and disgust with Trumpism there aren’t enough white people speaking forcefully against white supremacy to counter those who are speaking forcefully to it. Joe Biden, for example, has denounced white supremacy, but he was careful to describe it as a fringe ideology unique to MAGA Republicans, not an ecosystem that touches everyone and has become self-sustaining. That reasoning is less than convincing.

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the central question of whether white supremacy will hold or yield to a multiracial society started with the Civil War and never went away.
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“Democrats have no cultural competence,” Phillips says. “They suffer from implicit bias, and ignorance.” Meaning that while the party lauds diversity and justice, and now features Black people and people of color in the ranks of top leadership, it has always been loath to tackle white supremacy head-on.
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the moment’s demand for meaningful racial change that centers white supremacy as the enemy remains a model for a powerful kind of new politics, where a multiracial coalition of Americans push for equitable change, at the ballot box and in the boardroom.

Hence:

https://trueleft.createaforum.com/true-left-vs-false-left/true-left-breakthrough-anti-whiteness-476/
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90sRetroFan

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Re: Trumpism is an echo
« Reply #35 on: December 12, 2022, 06:18:03 pm »
https://www.buzzfeednews.com/article/adolfoflores/racist-lawmakers-immigrantion-laws-attorneys-tactic

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Inside the courthouse where Hartzler worked as an attorney with the Federal Defenders of San Diego, hundreds of distraught parents faced criminal charges of entering the US without authorization, which former president Donald Trump used to separate them from their children.
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If defense attorneys could prove that it was unconstitutional and inherently racist, a judge would strike the entire thing, potentially affecting hundreds of cases.

Their research into the law's formation bolstered their case. It showed how congressional lawmakers in the early 1900s invoked overt racism to justify the legislation at the time, discussing how the “mixture blood” of white, Native Americans, and Black people would inflict “great penalty” on the US. They also said Mexicans were “illiterate, unclean, peonized masses” who were “poisoning the American citizen.”

The federal defender’s investigation into the laws relied heavily on research already done by UCLA history professor Kelly Lytle Hernández, who discovered and documented how eugenicists shaped these laws.
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When the laws that form the basis of the modern immigration system were passed in the 1920s, some members of Congress openly embraced eugenics, supported segregation, and used racist language.

When Congress passed the National Origins Act of 1924, which restricted how many immigrants could enter the US, particularly non-Europeans, it exempted people from the Western Hemisphere, including Mexicans. This upset lawmakers who wanted to restrict all immigration from Mexico, but those efforts failed under pressure from employers, particularly those in agriculture.

During attempts to restrict immigration from non-European countries, US lawmakers heard testimony from a eugenicist who said that controlling which immigrants were allowed in was the best way to promote “race conservation,” and compared drafters of deportation laws to “successful breeders of thoroughbred horses.”

Sen. Coleman Livingston Blease, a Democrat from South Carolina who defended lynching and supported segregation, proposed a solution regarding Mexican immigrants that would appease nativists and employers: make crossing the border without authorization a crime. It would force Mexican workers to enter only through a port of entry, allowing the US to control how many entered while ensuring that employers had enough of the laborers they depended on. The law making it a crime to enter the US without authorization was approved in 1929.

For employers, undocumented workers became an easily exploitable group who could be threatened with deportation and jail time.

Decades later, the 1952 Immigration and Nationality Act upheld the system established by the 1924 law, though it granted immigration quotas to mostly Western and Northern European countries. The law also reenacted illegal entry and reentry.

In a court filing for one of Hartzler’s cases, she pointed to a 925-page report that served as the basis for the 1952 statute that repeatedly uses the term “wetback” to prove Congress sought to discriminate against Latinos. Sen. Pat McCarran, a Democrat from Nevada and chair of the Senate Judiciary Committee, used “wetback” — a racist term originally referring to Latinos who swam across the Rio Grande — to refer to both authorized and unauthorized immigrants.

“There is a flood of people who come across the boundary. They are called wet-backs, and they come across legally or illegally during the various harvest seasons,” court records quote McCarran as saying during a hearing.

The report would go on to state that the purpose of the US immigration system was to “maintain the balance of the various elements in our white population.”
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These laws were also the beginning of the association in the US between undocumented immigrants and criminality, which hit a peak during the Trump administration, Gonzalez O'Brien said.

90sRetroFan

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Re: Trumpism is an echo
« Reply #36 on: January 09, 2023, 04:12:59 pm »
https://www.history.com/news/great-depression-repatriation-drives-mexico-deportation

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The U.S. Deported a Million of Its Own Citizens to Mexico During the Great Depression

Up to 1.8 million people of Mexican descent—most of them American-born—were rounded up in informal raids and deported in an effort to reserve jobs for white people.
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These were the “repatriation drives,” a series of informal raids that took place around the United States during the Great Depression. Local governments and officials deported up to 1.8 million people to Mexico, according to research conducted by Joseph Dunn, a former California state senator. Dunn estimates around 60 percent of these people were actually American citizens, many of them born in the U.S. to first-generation immigrants. For these citizens, deportation wasn’t “repatriation”—it was exile from their country.
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The logic behind these raids was that Mexican immigrants were supposedly using resources and working jobs that should go to white Americans affected by the Great Depression. These deportations happened not only in border states like California and Texas, but also in places like Michigan, Colorado, Illinois, Ohio and New York. In 2003, a Detroit-born U.S. citizen named José Lopez testified before a California legislative committee about his family’s 1931 deportation to Michoacán, a state in Western Mexico.

“I was five years old when we were forced to relocate,” he said. “I…bec[a]me very sick with whooping cough, and suffered very much, and it was difficult to breathe.” After both of his parents and one brother died in Mexico, he and his surviving siblings managed to return to the U.S. in 1945. “We were lucky to come back,” he said. “But there are others that were not so fortunate.”

The raids tore apart families and communities, leaving lasting trauma for Mexican Americans who remained in the U.S. as well. Former California State Senator Martha M. Escutia has said that growing up in East Los Angeles, her immigrant grandfather never even walked to the corner grocery store without his passport for fear of being stopped and deported. Even after he became a naturalized citizen, he continued to carry it with him.

The deportation of U.S. citizens has always been unconstitutional, yet scholars argue the way in which “repatriation drives” deported non-citizens was unconstitutional, too.

“One of the issues is the ‘repatriation’ took place without any legal protections in place or any kind of due process,” says Kevin R. Johnson, a dean and professor of public interest law and Chicana/o studies at the University of California, Davis, School of Law. “So you could argue that all of them were unconstitutional, all of them were illegal, because no modicum of process was followed.”


Instead, local governments and officers with little knowledge of immigrants’ rights simply arrested people and put them on trucks, buses or trains bound for Mexico, regardless of whether they were documented immigrants or even native-born citizens. Deporters rounded up children and adults however they could, often raiding public places where they thought Mexican Americans hung out. In 1931, one Los Angeles raid rounded up more than 400 people at La Placita Park and deported them to Mexico.

Nothing has changed:

https://trueleft.createaforum.com/enemies/ice/

Continuing:

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Although there was no federal law or executive order authorizing the 1930s raids, President Herbert Hoover’s administration, which used the racially-coded slogan, “American jobs for real Americans,” implicitly approved of them. His secretary of labor, William Doak, also helped pass local laws and arrange agreements that prevented Mexican Americans from holding jobs. Some laws banned Mexican Americans from government employment, regardless of their citizenship status. Meanwhile, companies like Ford, U.S. Steel and the Southern Pacific Railroad agreed to lay off thousands of Mexican American workers.

See also:

https://trueleft.createaforum.com/news/ethnonepotism/

Continuing, the results were exactly as I have repeatedly attempted to explain:

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modern economists who’ve studied the effect of the 1930s “repatriation drives” on cities argue the raids did not boost local economies. “The repatriation of Mexicans, who were mostly laborers and farm workers, reduced demand for other jobs mainly held by natives, such as skilled craftsman and managerial, administrative and sales jobs,” write economists in a 2017 academic paper circulated by the non-partisan National Bureau of Economic Research. “In fact, our estimates suggest that it may have further increased their levels of unemployment and depressed their wages.

Another article from the same site:

https://www.history.com/news/the-brutal-history-of-anti-latino-discrimination-in-america

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In 1931, police officers grabbed Mexican-Americans in the area, many of them U.S. citizens, and shoved them into waiting vans. Immigration agents blocked exits and arrested around 400 people, who were then deported to Mexico, regardless of their citizenship or immigration status.

The raid was just one incident in a long history of discrimination against Latino people in the United States. Since the 1840s, anti-Latino prejudice has led to illegal deportations, school segregation and even lynching—often-forgotten events that echo the civil rights violations of African Americans in the Jim Crow-era South.
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Latinos were barred entry into Anglo establishments and segregated into urban barrios in poor areas. Though Latinos were critical to the U.S. economy and often were American citizens, everything from their language to the color of their skin to their countries of origin could be used as a pretext for discrimination. Anglo-Americans treated them as a foreign underclass and perpetuated stereotypes that those who spoke Spanish were lazy, stupid and undeserving. In some cases, that prejudice turned fatal.

Mob Violence Terrorized Latinos

Mob violence against Spanish-speaking people was common in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, according to historians William D. Carrigan and Clive Webb. They estimate that the number of Latinos killed by mobs reach well into the thousands, though definitive documentation only exists for 547 cases.

The violence began during California’s Gold Rush just after California became part of the United States. At the time, white miners begrudged former Mexicans a share of the wealth yielded by Californian mines—and sometimes enacted vigilante justice. In 1851, for example, a mob of vigilantes accused Josefa Segovia of murdering a white man. After a fake trial, they marched her through the streets and lynched her. Over 2,000 men gathered to watch, shouting racial slurs. Others were attacked on suspicion of fraternizing with white women or insulting white people.

Even children became the victims of this violence. In 1911, a mob of over 100 people hanged a 14-year-old boy, Antonio Gómez, after he was arrested for murder. Rather than let him serve time in jail, townspeople lynched him and dragged his body through the streets of Thorndale, Texas.
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Forced Deportations in the 1920s and '30s

In the late 1920s, anti-Mexican sentiment spiked as the Great Depression began. As the stock market tanked and unemployment grew, Anglo-Americans accused Mexicans and other foreigners of stealing American jobs. Mexican-Americans were discouraged and even forbidden from accepting charitable aid.

As fears about jobs and the economy spread, the United States forcibly removed up to 2 million people of Mexican descent from the country—up to 60 percent of whom were American citizens.

Euphemistically referred to as “repatriations,” the removals were anything but voluntary. Sometimes, private employers drove their employees to the border and kicked them out. In other cases, local governments cut off relief, raided gathering places or offered free train fare to Mexico. Colorado even ordered all of its “Mexicans”—in reality, anyone who spoke Spanish or seemed to be of Latin descent—to leave the state in 1936 and blockaded its southern border to keep people from leaving. Though no formal decree was ever issued by immigration authorities, INS officials deported about 82,000 people during the period.
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Latino Children Suffered in Segregated Schools

Another little-remembered facet of anti-Latino discrimination in the United States is school segregation. Unlike the South, which had explicit laws barring African American children from white schools, segregation was not enshrined in the laws of the southwestern United States. Nevertheless, Latino people were excluded from restaurants, movie theaters and schools.

Latino students were expected to attend separate “Mexican schools” throughout the southwest beginning in the 1870s. At first, the schools were set up to serve the children of Spanish-speaking laborers at rural ranches. Soon, they spread into cities, too.By the 1940s, as many as 80 percent of Latino children in places like Orange County, California attended separate schools. Among them was Sylvia Mendez, a young girl who was turned away from an all-white school in the county. Instead of going to the pristine, well-appointed 17th Street Elementary, she was told to attend Hoover Elementary—a dilapidated, two-room shack.

The bare-bones facilities offered to students like Mendez lacked basic supplies and sufficient teachers. Many only provided vocational classes or did not offer a full 12 years of instruction. Children were arbitrarily forced to attend based on factors like their complexion and last name.
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school officials claimed that Latino students were dirty and infected with diseases that put white students at risk. Besides, they argued, Mexican-American students didn’t speak English and were thus not entitled to attend English-speaking schools. (When asked, officials conceded that they never gave students proficiency tests.) “Mexicans are inferior in personal hygiene, ability and in their economic outlook,” said one official.

NEVER FORGIVE. NEVER FORGET.

90sRetroFan

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Re: Trumpism is an echo
« Reply #37 on: January 16, 2023, 09:18:42 pm »
It's OK for tar and feathers to be "white":

https://www.yahoo.com/news/hidden-story-two-black-college-133738891.html

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One cold April night in 1919, at around 2 a.m., a mob of 60 rowdy white students at the University of Maine surrounded the dorm room of Samuel and Roger Courtney in Hannibal Hamlin Hall. The mob planned to attack the two Black brothers from Boston in retaliation for what a newspaper article described at the time as their “domineering manner and ill temper.” The brothers were just two among what yearbooks show could not have been more than a dozen Black University of Maine students at the time.

While no first-person accounts or university records of the incident are known to remain, newspaper clippings and photographs from a former student’s scrapbook help fill in the details.

Although outnumbered, the Courtney brothers escaped. They knocked three freshmen attackers out cold in the process. Soon a mob of hundreds of students and community members formed to finish what the freshmen had started. The mob captured the brothers and led them about four miles back to campus with horse halters around their necks.

Before a growing crowd at the livestock-viewing pavilion, members of the mob held down Samuel and Roger as their heads were shaved and their bodies stripped naked in the near-freezing weather. They were forced to slop each other with hot molasses. The mob then covered them with feathers from their dorm room pillows. The victims and bystanders cried out for the mob to stop but to no avail. Local police, alerted hours earlier, arrived only after the incident ended. No arrests were made.

Incidents of tarring and feathering as a form of public torture can be found throughout American history, from colonial times onward. In nearby Ellsworth, Maine, a Know Nothing mob, seen by some as a forerunner to the KKK, tarred and feathered Jesuit priest Father John Bapst in 1851. Especially leading into World War I, this method of vigilantism continued to be used by the KKK and other groups against Black Americans, immigrants and labor organizers, especially in the South and West. As with the Courtney brothers incident, substitutions like molasses or milkweed were made based on what was readily available. Although rarely fatal, victims of tarring and feathering attacks were not only humiliated by being held down, shaved, stripped naked and covered in a boiled sticky substance and feathers, but their skin often became burned and blistered or peeled off when solvents were used to remove the remnants.
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No condemnation

The tarring and feathering is also missing from official University of Maine histories. A brief statement from the university’s then-president, Robert J. Aley, claimed the event was nothing more than childish hazing that was “likely to happen any time, at any college, the gravity depending much upon the susceptibilities of the victim and the notoriety given it.” Rather than condemn the mob’s violence, his statement highlighted the fact that one of the brothers had previously violated unspecified campus rules, as if that justified the treatment the men received.

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most Americans have still never heard about the Black sharecroppers killed in the Elaine Massacre in Arkansas that year for organizing their labor or the fatal stoning of Black Chicago teenager Eugene Williams for floating into “white waters” in Lake Michigan. They weren’t taught about the Black World War I soldiers attacked in Charleston, South Carolina, and Bisbee, Arizona, during the Red Summer.

There is still work to do, but the recent anniversaries of events like the Tulsa Massacre or the Red Summer, which coincided with modern-day Black Lives Matter protests and the killings of Americans like Breonna Taylor and George Floyd, have sparked a renewed interest in the past.

NEVER FORGIVE. NEVER FORGET.

90sRetroFan

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