Author Topic: La Raza Cósmica  (Read 104 times)


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La Raza Cósmica
« on: May 08, 2021, 09:22:35 pm »
La raza cósmica (The Cosmic Race) is an essay written and published in 1925 by Mexican philosopher, secretary of education, and 1929 presidential candidate José Vasconcelos to express the ideology of a future "fifth race" in the Americas; an agglomeration of all the races in the world with no respect to color or number to erect a new civilization: Universópolis.

Claiming that Social Darwinism and racialist ideologies are only created to validate, explain, and justify ethnic superiority and to repress others, Vasconcelos attempts to refute these theories and goes on to recognize his words as being an ideological effort to improve the cultural morale of a "depressed race" by offering his optimistic theory of the future development of a cosmic race.

As he explains in his literary work, armies of people would then go forth around the world professing their knowledge. Vasconcelos continues to say that the people of the Iberian regions of the Americas (that is to say, the parts of the continent colonised by Portugal and Spain) have the territorial, racial, and spiritual factors necessary to initiate the "universal era of humanity".
The title La raza cósmica embodies the notion that traditional, exclusive concepts of so-called "race" and nationality can be transcended in the name of humanity's common destiny. It originally referred to a movement by Mexican intellectuals during the 1920s who pointed out that so-called "Latin" Americans have the blood of all the world's so-called "races": European, Asian-descended native Americans, and Africans, thereby transcending the peoples of the "Old World".

Vasconcelos also alluded to the term when he coined the National Autonomous University of Mexico's motto: "Por mi raza hablará el espíritu" ('Through my race the spirit will speak').

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Re: La Raza Cósmica
« Reply #1 on: September 18, 2022, 05:32:55 pm »
Vasconcelos' vision will only be realized after reproductive Eurocentrism ceases to exist:

which we are not even close to at present. Here is an enemy article on the extent of Eurocentrism in Chile:

In the 19th century, Chile decisively defeated its two northern neighbors Bolivia and Peru in what is known as the “War of the Pacific.” Chile gained vast swathes of resource-rich land from this conflict, and left Bolivia permanently landlocked. In the same century, Chile finally and decisively defeated the hostile Amerindian nation to their south, the Araucanos (who are sometimes referred to as “Mapuches”), after fighting them on-and-off for centuries. Just as the War of the Pacific has many parallels to America’s war with Mexico, Chile’s southward territorial expansion at the expense of the Amerindians has many parallels to America’s westward expansion.
According to the CIA, Bolivia is five percent white, 20 percent Amerindian, 68 percent mestizo, one percent black, and 6 percent other or mixed. Peru is 15 percent white, 45 percent Amerindian, 37 percent mestizo, and 3 percent other. Chile is 88.9 percent white, 9.1 percent Araucano Indian, and 2 percent other — almost entirely composed of other much smaller Amerindian nations. Chile, then, is about five times whiter than Peru and 17 times whiter than Bolivia.
The elite is pure or nearly pure white, while the destitute and indigent are pure or nearly pure Amerindian. The middle class is somewhere in between. The upper middle class is on the whiter side of in between, and so on.
The American scholar of race Lothrop Stoddard praised the whiteness of Chile’s upper classes in his work The Rising Tide of Color Against White World Supremacy (1921). He is worth quoting at length:

    This ruling gentry jealously guarded its racial integrity. In fact, it possessed not merely a white but a Nordic race-consciousness. The Chilean gentry called themselves sons of the Visigoths . . .

    Furthermore, Chile was receiving fresh accessions of Nordic blood. Many English, Scotch, and Irish gentleman-adventurers, taking part in the War of Independence, settled down in a land so reminiscent of their own. Germans also came in considerable numbers, settling especially in the colder south. Thus the Chilean upper classes, always pure white, became steadily more Nordic in ethnic character. The political and social results were unmistakable. Chile rapidly evolved a stable society, essentially oligarchic and consciously patterned on aristocratic England.

Like the United States and neighboring Argentina, throughout the 19th century, especially the second half, and into the 20th, Chile was the destination for a wide variety of European settlers and immigrants. The largest nationalities represented were: French, British, Irish, German, Italian, Portuguese, Croatian, Dutch, Russian, Greek, Austrian, Belgian, Ashkenazi Jewish, Sephardic Jewish, Swiss, Polish, Hungarian, and of course, Spanish.
The northern quarter of the country is entirely defined by the immense mines there. The laborers and roughnecks of these mines have always been distinctly swarthy, while the owners, managers, and engineers have always been largely of the old Iberian aristocracy and enterprising Germans and Croatians (when not foreign, and then predominantly American and British). For example, the copper mining company, Antofagasta PLC, is run by the Luksić family, of Croatian heritage. When Andrónico Luksić Abaroa died in 2005, Forbes put his net worth at 4.2 billion dollars, making him the richest man in Chile and the 132nd richest man in the world. At the time of this writing, his widow Iris Fontbona is estimated by Forbes to be worth 16.4 billion dollars, making her the richest Chilean, and the 80th richest person in the world. Chile punches well above its weight when it comes to billionaires, with a current total of 11. All of them are very evidently of majority European, Jewish, and/or Middle Eastern heritage. Six made their fortunes predominantly in the fields of mining, forestry, and/or paper. Whereas the first industry is controlled by whites and runs on northern Amerindian and mestizo labor, the last two are controlled by whites and run on Araucano labor.
Tensions between white and non-white workers got violent as well. In the early 20th century white workers banded together informally in what were called “anti-Peruvian leagues,” that engaged in street and workplace violence and intimidation against darker-skinned rivals.
Chileans have a strong sense of race just beneath the surface. The connection between race and class, with whites dominating the upper classes and mestizos dominating the lower classes, is understood and largely accepted by nearly every Chilean. The best evidence of this comes from egalitarian whining. One blogger has a neat summary of the typical conversation about race between Americans and Chileans:

    Chilean person: There are real race issues in the [United] States.

    Me: Yes, there are huge problems. But I think race is a problem here.

    Chilean: No, we don’t have race issues here. We do have issues with class.

    Me: What do you mean.

    Chilean: Well, people of lower class are really looked down upon.

    Me: How can you tell who these people are?

    Chilean: You just can.

    Me: (finding a darker skinned Chilean in the crowd) What about that person … over there … what class are they?

    Chilean: They are lower class.

The whiter the Chilean, the more proud and protective they are of their whiteness. Marriages between different economic classes are uncommon, and this protects the European stock of the upper classes. Demonstrating this empirically is difficult, but the signs are very clear. Another leftist blogger noted in 2015 that:

    A few years ago there was a study in Chile that consisted [of] presenting ten images of people with different skin colors and asking people to identify the subjects as Chileans or not. There was a tendency [of] identifying light skinned subjects as Chileans and darker skinned ones as Mapuches [Araucanos] (a Chilean indigenous group), Peruvians, or “foreigners.”
When polled, at least a third of Chileans have openly race realist views, and all polls about racial matters under-represent how many people hold “racist” opinions because many people are unwilling to admit them to a pollster. In this United States this is called the “Bradley effect.” Here are some results from a 2003 poll of Chileans about Peruvians, the largest and most historically salient non-white immigrant group.

    Chile is more developed than its neighboring countries because it has less indigenous population. (agree 34.1 percent, disagree 65.9 percent)
    The problem of opening up to the Latin American immigration is that many of them (Latin American immigrants) are indigenous. (agree 35.8 percent, disagree 64.2 percent)
    Some races are better than others” (agree 32.9 percent, disagree 67.1 percent)
    If Peruvians get too mixed with Chileans the quality of our people will worsen (agree 33.4 percent, disagree 66.6 percent)
    Peruvian immigrants that come to our country are more likely to commit crimes (agree 43.8 percent, disagree 56.2 percent)

Chile now even has an identitarian movement, called Identitarian Action Chile, clearly modeled after those in Western Europe and the United States. Their symbol is El Torreón, an 18th century fort built to defend the southern city of Valdivia (named for Pedro de Valdivia, the conquistador) against the Araucanos. Though still small, the group appears to be growing. It holds regular marches, demonstrations, and leafleting campaigns against immigration and for a Chile-first economy.
The north and northeastern border should be militarized: more walls, more patrols, more checkpoints, and more soldiers.
Chile should round up illegal immigrants and deport them, as the Israelis do.

Immigration from white and whitish countries should get preference, under one guise or another.
Chinese immigration should also be halted

See also: