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90sRetroFan

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Trumpism is an echo
« on: July 02, 2020, 11:40:23 pm »
OLD CONTENT





Note the section starting how the Republican Party (in 1896 it was the leftist party), which had many former slaves and ethnic cooperation allied with the Populist party, which was mostly Americans of European descent and these people were mostly farmers. The new Republican-Populist alliance was the Fusion Party that promptly started to sweep popular support and elections. This angered the Democratic Party (then the racist-heavy right wing) and they staged a coup... thus leftists were not armed well enough then... they should be NOW!

More information here: www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2017/08/wilmington-massacre/536457/
Local North Carolina conservatives have considered those perpetrating this event as local heroes, and recently changed tone to blame the Dems (now the party with strong leftist elements) of racism.

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www.huffpost.com/entry/lynchings-black-americans-reconstruction-eji-report_n_5eea6f94c5b6d4397ade568a

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White mobs and individuals lynched at least 2,000 more Black Americans than previously documented, according to a new report from the Equal Justice Initiative.

The report, released Tuesday, documents confirmed lynchings during the Reconstruction era, from 1865 to 1876, after the end of the Civil War and Black Americans’ emancipation from slavery. The group’s previous report on the subject, from 2015, detailed 4,500 racial terror lynchings from 1877 to 1950 — adding up to nearly 6,500 confirmed lynchings of Black people in the U.S. from 1865 to 1950.

EJI notes that thousands more lynchings “may never be documented,” defining lynchings as when Black people were “attacked, sexually assaulted and terrorized by white mobs and individuals” who were largely “shielded from arrest and prosecution.”

The new report details attacks like one from 1865, when six Black men were lynched in North Carolina after demanding a white landowner pay them for their work. And the following year in New Orleans, white mobs attacked people marching for Black voting rights, killing an estimated 33 Black people.

“We cannot understand our present moment without recognizing the lasting damage caused by allowing white supremacy and racial hierarchy to prevail during Reconstruction,” wrote EJI Director Bryan Stevenson in a news release.
...
The report notes that white perpetrators of violence against Black people during Reconstruction were “almost never held accountable,” and many were even “celebrated.”

NEVER FORGIVE. NEVER FORGET.

---

www.yahoo.com/news/racial-violence-pandemic-red-summer-090452290.html

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Racial strife flaring across the United States. Black Americans standing up to societal structures in unpredictable ways. And people enduring months of a deadly pandemic infecting millions worldwide, shuttering businesses and heightening fears of a lengthy economic downturn.

That was 1919, during what would later be coined the "Red Summer," when communities across America were reeling from white mobs inciting brutality against Black people and cities were still wrestling with a third wave of the so-called Spanish flu pandemic that emerged the previous year.

The story line parallels with today: violence against Black people, leading to mass demonstrations and calls to end systemic racism, converging with a months-long coronavirus pandemic. Such commonality is not lost on historians and scholars of African American history.
...
What happened during the Red Summer of 1919?

The general mob-led violence against Black people actually began before the summer in localized incidents.

In the book "Red Summer: The Summer of 1919 and the Awakening of Black America," author Cameron McWhirter described what led up to a deadly riot in Jenkins County, Georgia, in April, when Black churches were burned and Black men killed.

It was just the start: "In coming months, similar horrors would afflict cities and towns across America. The violence that April Sunday was only the beginning of what would become known as the Red Summer of 1919, when riots and lynchings spread throughout the country, causing havoc and harming thousands — yet also awakening millions of blacks to fight for rights guaranteed them, but so long denied."
...
Ward said that white people were responding to the "ever-present white fear of a loss of social status and dominance" and were "resentful of this disruption of social, economic and political order."

In addition, the influx of African Americans into northern cities continued as the Spanish flu spread in 1918 before the pandemic subsided in the summer of 1919, and whites were blaming Black migrants for the spread of illness.

Historical accounts also described how white military members, who had returned to Washington after the end of World War I, seized on sensationalist rumors of Black men assaulting white women, which was amplified in D.C.'s newspapers. An estimated 40 people were killed that July in the nation's capital, with hundreds of federal troops deployed to stamp out the unrest.
...
In recounting those events, The Washington Post wrote that jobs were scarce at the time, and many whites felt slighted that a small number of Blacks could secure low-level government jobs.

"Unlike virtually all the disturbances that preceded it — in which white-on-black violence dominated — the Washington riot of 1919 was distinguished by strong, organized and armed black resistance, foreshadowing the civil rights struggles later in the century," according to The Post.

Some of the worst multi-day violence occurred in Chicago, where about two dozen Black people and 15 white people were killed. The uprisings were sparked after a Black teenager on a raft, Eugene Williams, drifted into a whites only section of Lake Michigan and drowned after a white man began throwing rocks at him, the Chicago Tribune reported.

From April to November, some 30 riots broke out across the eastern U.S., with hundreds of accounts of beatings, lynchings and the burning of churches and buildings. As a result of the violence, the Ku Klux Klan also saw a resurgence.
...
As bloody as that summer was, it failed to result in any protections for African Americans, and if anything, Ward said, "that reign of racial terror, where again the exculpatory work of the white press, police, grand juries and others ensured that perpetrators were protected rather than punished, undoubtedly prolonged the period of American apartheid."

Saje Mathieu, a history professor at the University of Minnesota, added that some of the violence of 1919 was in many ways milder in comparison to the "absolute devastation and destruction" of the massacres in Tulsa, Oklahoma, two years later and in Rosewood, Florida, in 1923.

The fight for racial justice in 2020 follows a series of high-profile incidents of Black Americans being killed at the hands of police or former law enforcement and of Black Americans having to affirm their place and existence while doing ordinary things and often facing the threat of police being called on them.

Mathieu said the blatant racism of 1919 reverberates in other ways today, including by white women who are caught on viral videos questioning a Black person's agency and yet don't see themselves as exhibiting racism. Social media users label them as a "Karen."

NEVER FORGIVE. NEVER FORGET.
« Last Edit: December 20, 2022, 08:37:22 pm by 90sRetroFan »

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90sRetroFan

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Re: Trumpism is an echo
« Reply #1 on: July 02, 2020, 11:42:10 pm »
https://us.yahoo.com/news/1898-wilmington-massacre-essential-lesson-163016733.html

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The 1898 Wilmington Massacre Is an Essential Lesson in How State Violence Has Targeted Black Americans

In the summer of 1865, just after the Civil War, Union commanders in the battered port city of Wilmington, N.C., appointed a former Confederate general as police chief and former Confederate soldiers as policemen.

The all-white force immediately set upon newly freed Black people. Men, women and children were beaten, clubbed and whipped indiscriminately. A Union officer with the Freedmen’s Bureau maintained a ledger of daily police assaults: A Black man whipped 72 times. A Black woman dragged for two miles with a rope around her neck. A Black man, “his back all raw,” beaten by police with a buggy trace.

“The policemen are the hardest and most brutal looking and acting set of civil or municipal officers I ever saw. All look bad and vicious,” the Union officer reported.

For generations, police and other white authority figures have perpetuated white supremacy and privilege by assaulting Black Americans. Slave patrols were an early form of policing. White police enforced racist post-Civil War Black Code laws and 20th century Jim Crow segregation. They tolerated, and sometimes participated in, lynchings of Black men.

Today, the image of a white police officer in Minneapolis pressing his knee against George Floyd’s neck as he pleaded for mercy has opened a window on America’s unbroken history of brutality against African-Americans by white men in uniform.

One of the most terrifying examples erupted more than a century ago, when white supremacist soldiers and police helped hunt down and kill at least 60 Black men in Wilmington in 1898. The murders were part of a carefully orchestrated coup that toppled a multi-racial government in the South’s most progressive Black-majority city.

Like many police assaults against Black people in American history, the goal was more than just punishment and humiliation. It was to prevent black citizens from exercising their constitutional rights. Today, as American celebrates Independence Day it is an opportune moment to reflect on America’s troubled racial history and how to move forward.

The 1898 coup capped a months-long White Supremacy Campaign in North Carolina designed to strip black men of the vote and remove them from public office forever. The prime target was Wilmington, where black men served as councilmen, magistrates and police officers in a city with a thriving black middle class and some 65 black doctors, lawyers and educators.

(Today in North Carolina, conservatives in the state legislature have continued to try to squash the Black vote through voter suppression laws and racial gerrymandering schemes that have been stuck down by federal courts as unconstitutional.)

The 1898 coup, plotted by white politicians and businessmen, would not have been possible without the city’s white soldiers and police, who led white vigilantes on a killing spree on Nov. 10, 1898. This came after white supremacists had bullied the white police chief into firing the city’s 10 black policemen.

The soldiers served in two all-white state militias in Wilmington manned and commanded by white supremacists. Both units ostensibly reported to the state’s governor, but in fact served as the private militias of the white supremacists who directed the coup.

Like politicians in the aftermath of George Floyd’s killing, the coup leaders pressured the governor to call out the militias – the National Guard of the day – on the pretext that blacks were rioting. In fact, it was whites who were rioting, led by soldiers and police. They burned a Black owned newspaper and shot Black men down in the streets, many of them simply trying to get home safely.

The militiamen had served in the Spanish-American War in the summer of 1898 and had not yet been mustered out of federal service. That meant U.S. soldiers were unleashed against law-abiding Black citizens of Wilmington – 122 years before President Trump threatened to deploy the U.S. military against street protesters.

Like the white vigilantes who were indicted for shooting Ahmaud Arbery in Georgia after accusing him of burglary, white vigilantes in Wilmington in 1898 shot Black men accused during the White Supremacy Campaign of raping white women and stealing white jobs.

As part of the coup, white supremacists banished leading Black and white political allies from Wilmington after forcibly evicting them from office and replacing them with coup leaders. Militiamen escorted them to the train station at gunpoint. In the weeks after the coup, more than 2,100 African-Americans fled Wilmington, turning a black-majority city into a white supremacist citadel.

It was the most successful and lasting coup in American history. It instituted white supremacy as official state policy for half a century and prevented Black citizens from voting in significant numbers until passage of the Voting Rights Act in 1965. Two years before the coup, 126,000 black men registered to vote in North Carolina. Four years after the coup, the number was 6,100.

After the coup, no Black citizen served in public office in Wilmington until 1972. No Black citizen from North Carolina was elected to Congress until 1992. No one was prosecuted or punished for the killings and violence. President William McKinley ignored pleas from Black leaders to send in federal marshals or U.S. troops to protect Black citizens.

The coup was the natural outgrowth of North Carolina’s – and America’s – long history of relying on white police to perpetuate white supremacy amid fears of Black uprisings.

In 1831, white supremacist newspapers in North Carolina published hysterical stories warning, falsely, of an army of well-armed slaves marching from Virginia to Wilmington to kill white people, torch the city, and launch a national slave rebellion during Nat Turner’s famous Virginia slave uprising.

Scores of innocent slaves were lynched after being seized by white police and vigilantes in North Carolina towns. In Wilmington, four slaves accused of plotting a “diabolical” uprising were rounded up by police and decapitated by a white mob. Their severed heads were mounted on poles along a public highway known as “Niggerhead Road,” a name that endured until the 1950s.

More than 60 years after Nat Turner’s execution, his slave revolt was cited by some white supremacists in Wilmington as justification for the militia and police violence required to put down a purported black riot in 1898.

After the coup, the city’s fired Black policemen were replaced by white supremacists, most of whom had participated in the coup and murders. White police enforced new city policies that replaced Black workers with whites. Police often used brute force to ensure that newly passed Jim Crow laws were obeyed by Black citizens.

During the 1898 campaign, white police stood by as nightriders burst into black homes in and around Wilmington, whipping Black men and threatening to kill them if they dared register to vote. On Election Day in November 1898, vigilantes beat Black voters and stuffed ballot boxes in full view of white policemen.

Just a week ago in June 2020, three Wilmington police officers were fired after a recording emerged in which they used racial slurs as one officer vowed to “go out and start slaughtering” black people and “wipe ‘em off the f—-ing map.”

A Democratic Party Hand Book, published in the summer of 1898 by what was then the party of white supremacy, laid bare the lasting intentions of the men who plotted Wilmington’s white coup: “This is a white man’s country and white men must control and govern it.”

NEVER FORGIVE. NEVER FORGET.

90sRetroFan

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Re: Trumpism is an echo
« Reply #2 on: July 11, 2020, 03:14:09 am »

90sRetroFan

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Re: Trumpism is an echo
« Reply #3 on: September 13, 2020, 11:41:52 pm »
https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2020/10/the-next-reconstruction/615475/

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The conditions in America today do not much resemble those of 1968. In fact, the best analogue to the current moment is the first and most consequential such awakening—in 1868. The story of that awakening offers a guide, and a warning. In the 1860s, the rise of a racist demagogue to the presidency, the valor of Black soldiers and workers, and the stories of outrages against the emancipated in the South stunned white northerners into writing the equality of man into the Constitution. The triumphs and failures of this anti-racist coalition led America to the present moment. It is now up to their successors to fulfill the promises of democracy, to make a more perfect union, to complete the work of Reconstruction.

They came for George Ruby in the middle of the night, as many as 50 of them, their faces blackened to conceal their identities. As the Confederate veterans dragged Ruby from his home, they mocked him for having believed that he would be safe in Jackson, Louisiana: “S’pose you thought the United States government would protect you, did you?” They dragged him at least a mile, to a creek, where they beat him with a paddle and left him, half-dressed and bleeding, with a warning: Leave, and never return.
...
As the historian Barry A. Crouch recounts in The Dance of Freedom, Ruby warned that the formerly enslaved were beset by the “fiendish lawlessness of the whites who murder and outrage the free people with the same indifference as displayed in the killing of snakes or other venomous reptiles,

This description is accurate. Indifference, not hate, is the attitude of rightists. Only leftists are capable of hate.

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The last thing most white Americans wanted was to be dragged through a bitter conflict over expanding the boundaries of American citizenship. They wanted to rebuild the country and get back to business. John Wilkes Booth had been moved to assassinate Abraham Lincoln not by the Confederate collapse, but by the president’s openness to extending the franchise to educated Black men and those who had fought for the Union, an affront Booth described as “**** citizenship.”

Lincoln’s successor, Andrew Johnson, viewed the Radical Republican project as an insult to the white men to whom the United States truly belonged. A Tennessee Democrat and self-styled champion of the white working class, the president believed that “Negroes have shown less capacity for government than any other race of people,” and that allowing the formerly enslaved to vote would eventually lead to “such a tyranny as this continent has never yet witnessed.” Encouraged by Johnson’s words and actions, southern elites worked to reduce the emancipated to conditions that resembled slavery in all but name.

Throughout the South, when freedmen signed contracts with their former masters, those contracts were broken; if they tried to seek work elsewhere, they were hunted down; if they reported their concerns to local authorities, they were told that the testimony of Black people held no weight in court. When they tried to purchase land, they were denied; when they tried to borrow capital to establish businesses, they were rejected; when they demanded decent wages, they were met with violence.

In the midst of these terrors and denials, the emancipated organized as laborers, protesters, and voters, forming the Union Leagues and other Republican clubs that would become the basis of their political power. Southern whites insisted that the freedmen were unfit for the ballot, even as they witnessed their sophistication in protest and organization. In fact, what the former slave masters feared was not that Black people were incapable of self-government, but the world the emancipated might create.

From 1868 to 1871, Black people in the South faced a “wave of counter-revolutionary terror,” the historian Eric Foner has written, one that “lacks a counterpart either in the American experience or in that of the other Western Hemisphere societies that abolished slavery in the nineteenth century.” Texas courts, according to Foner, “indicted some 500 white men for the murder of blacks in 1865 and 1866, but not one was convicted.” He cites one northern observer who commented, “Murder is considered one of their inalienable state rights.”

The system that emerged across the South was so racist and authoritarian that one Freedmen’s Bureau agent wrote that the emancipated “would be just as well off with no law at all or no Government.” Indeed, the police were often at the forefront of the violence. In 1866, in New Orleans, police joined an attack on Republicans organizing to amend the state constitution; dozens of the mostly Black delegates were killed. General Philip Sheridan wrote in a letter to Ulysses S. Grant that the incident “was an absolute massacre by the police … perpetrated without the shadow of a necessity.” The same year, in Memphis, white police officers started a fight with several Black Union veterans, then used the conflict as a justification to begin firing at Black people—civilians and soldiers alike—all over the city. The killing went on for days.

These stories began to reach the North in bureaucratic dispatches like Ruby’s, in newspaper accounts, and in testimony to the congressional committee on Reconstruction. Northerners heard about Lucy Grimes of Texas, whose former owner demanded that she beat her own son, then had Grimes beaten to death when she refused. Her killers went unpunished because the court would not hear “negro testimony.” Northerners also heard about Madison Newby, a former Union scout from Virginia driven by “rebel people” from land he had purchased, who testified that former slave masters were “taking the colored people and tying them up by the thumbs if they do not agree to work for six dollars a month.” And they heard about Glasgow William, a Union veteran in Kentucky who was lynched in front of his wife by the Ku Klux Klan for declaring his intent to vote for “his old commander.” (Newspapers sympathetic to the white South dismissed such stories; one called the KKK the “phantom of diseased imaginations.”)
...
“I saw in various hospitals negroes, women as well as men, whose ears had been cut off or whose bodies were slashed with knives or bruised with whips, or bludgeons, or punctured with shot wounds. Dead negroes were found in considerable number in the country roads or on the fields, shot to death, or strung upon the limbs of trees. In many districts the colored people were in a panic of fright, and the whites in a state of almost insane irritation against them.”

When Schurz returned to Washington, Johnson refused to hear his findings. The president had already set his mind to maintaining the United States as a white man’s government. He told Schurz that a report was unnecessary, then silently waited for Schurz to leave.
...
In his “Swing Around the Circle” tour, Johnson gave angry speeches before raucous crowds, comparing himself to Lincoln, calling for some Radical Republicans to be hanged as traitors, and blaming the New Orleans riot on those who had called for Black suffrage in the first place, saying, “Every drop of blood that was shed is upon their skirts and they are responsible.” He blocked the measures that Congress took up to protect the rights of the emancipated, describing them as racist against white people. He told Black leaders that he was their “Moses,” even as he denied their aspirations to full citizenship.

Does this remind you of anyone?

Quote
Black Americans today do not face the same wave of terror they did in the 1860s. Still, George Floyd, Breonna Taylor, and Ahmaud Arbery were only the most recent names Americans learned. There was Eric Garner, who was choked to death on a New York City sidewalk during an arrest as he rasped, “I can’t breathe.” There was Walter Scott in North Charleston, South Carolina, who was shot in the back while fleeing an officer. There was Laquan McDonald in Chicago, who was shot 16 times by an officer who kept firing even as McDonald lay motionless on the ground. There was Stephon Clark, who was gunned down while using a cellphone in his grandmother’s backyard in Sacramento, California. There was Natasha McKenna, who died after being tased in a Virginia prison. There was Freddie Gray, who was seen being loaded into the back of a Baltimore police van in which his spinal cord was severed. There was Tamir Rice, a 12-year-old in Cleveland with a toy gun who was killed by police within moments of their arrival.

NEVER FORGIVE. NEVER FORGET.
« Last Edit: September 14, 2020, 01:03:18 am by 90sRetroFan »

90sRetroFan

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Re: Trumpism is an echo
« Reply #4 on: November 23, 2020, 02:35:15 am »

Starling

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Re: Trump disapproval
« Reply #5 on: January 03, 2021, 05:42:16 pm »
Want to understand Trump? Look at George Wallace
https://www.houstonchronicle.com/opinion/outlook/article/Want-to-understand-Trump-Look-at-George-Wallace-13254362.php


Alabama Gov. George C. Wallace is shown in this Oct. 19, 1964 file photo speaking in Glen Burnie, Md. at a rally supporting then Republican presidential candidate Sen. Barry Goldwater. [Goldwater was a Jew]
Wallace, the one-time firebrand segregationist who was paralyzed by a would-be assassin's bullet as he campaigned for the presidency in 1972, died Sunday, Sept. 13, 1998. He was 79.


Quote

In late September 1968, presidential election polls showed that third-party candidate George Wallace's campaign was surging. With the support of a quarter of white voters, Wallace was within single digits of the Democratic nominee, Vice President Hubert Humphrey. Wallace's dominance in Southern states threatened to prevent any candidate from securing an electoral college majority, which would throw the November election into the House of Representatives.

His was an extraordinary rise. In his inaugural speech as Alabama governor just five years earlier, Wallace had promised “segregation today, segregation tomorrow, segregation forever.” He then gained national attention by personally standing in a schoolhouse door at the University of Alabama to block the admission of two black students.

By 1968, he seldom used explicitly racist language but instead demanded “law and order” and railed against “crime,” “drugs,” “welfare mothers,” “forced busing” and “big city thugs.” He created the racially encoded language that still haunts our politics.

So when President Trump whips up rallies with his thinly veiled racist attacks on brown-skinned immigrants, Muslims and unpatriotic blacks, it is not a new development. The racial divide has been a political tool for those willing to use it for 50 years. As former President Obama pointed out in his Sept. 7 speech: “It did not start with Donald Trump. He is a symptom, not the cause. He's just capitalizing on resentments that politicians have been fanning for years.”

In 1968, the white backlash to the civil rights movement and the ‘60s urban riots drew voters to Wallace. But others took note - particularly Richard Nixon's campaign advisor Kevin Phillips who, in his book “The Emerging Republican Majority,” saw the potential of a major partisan realignment. Over the next six years, President Nixon adapted a more subtle version of the Wallace message, appealing to what he called “the silent majority.” In the years that followed, white voters in the once solidly Democratic South became the bedrock of the GOP.

The Republican Party's Southern strategy initially focused on shifting voters with a segregationist bent to the party, but it proved adaptable to other whites uneasy with the increasing role of minorities in American life and politics. These appeals resurfaced many times over the years, most memorably in the infamous Willie Horton ad during George H.W. Bush's 1988 campaign, but also in the symbolism of Ronald Reagan's decision to make his first 1980 campaign appearance at the Neshoba County Fair in Philadelphia, Miss. - where three civil rights workers were murdered in 1964. With the election of Obama and a growing awareness that whites will eventually be a minority in America, the ground for such appeals has stayed quite fertile.

When Trump descended from Trump Tower in 2015, he immediately set himself apart from the gaggle of GOP presidential contenders by replacing the coy racial language of his predecessors with an unfiltered bullhorn. He has railed against prominent black leaders and athletes, talked about brown-skinned immigrants as murderers and rapists, and insisted dark-skinned Muslims constitute such a threat that we need to ban travel from entire countries.

Wallace's bid for the presidency faltered in its final weeks, but a very small shift of voters in four states would have deadlocked the race. Wallace poured gasoline on the fire of racial division first, but Trump managed to carry that flame all the way into the White House. Who would have predicted that 50 years after the 1968 election, polls would show that more than half of Americans think their president is a racist?

Many factors have contributed to today's tribalistic politics, but race remains the bedrock of that division. Transcending racism is essential if our government is to break out of its current paralysis. If we do not succeed and Wallace's legacy of dividing us by race continues to shape American political life, then perhaps he won after all.

JJ had an excellent essay on Dixie that included a section on Wallace.

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Re: Trumpism is an echo
« Reply #6 on: January 04, 2021, 12:58:02 pm »
Quote
Many factors have contributed to today's tribalistic politics, but race remains the bedrock of that division. Transcending racism is essential if our government is to break out of its current paralysis.

That sentence alone gives me some hope that Americans will get their act together and save America before it's too late. If only more Americans spoke like this and used similar vocabulary....

90sRetroFan

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Re: Trumpism is an echo
« Reply #7 on: February 21, 2021, 09:33:51 pm »
What I was saying earlier:

https://www.yahoo.com/news/regret-inform-history-not-save-132700762.html

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I regret to inform you all that history will not save America from itself

I know you've been hearing this proclamation on network news and reading it in columns for years.

"History will judge us." "History will repudiate Donald Trump and the January 6 rioters."
...
This sounds good, but there is a danger in the notion that history will reveal the truth of our moment and sort the good from the bad.
...
The past does not change, but our telling of it does. Americans are famous for concealment by omission. It is only in the last year or two that there has been widespread awareness of the Tulsa Massacre of 1921, for example, when racists destroyed "Black Wall Street" and murdered the people who lived there in a fit of organized rage.

That was only one of our country's multiple genocides against Black Americans, but we don't talk about a lot of those. They aren't pleasant, and they do not fit in with the narrative that America is the longest standing multi-racial democracy in the world.

Just as it was easier for Americans in the past to forget the importance of the Tulsa Massacre, it could be easier for Americans in the future to forget about the ugliness that led to the January 6 attack on The Capitol.

It's also possible that future Americans could manipulate the events around January 6. We already saw that happen immediately after the attack. Some right wing media tried to pin the blame on Antifa and polling indicates that now that what half of Republicans believe. It's quite possible that future generations could believe that as well.

In short, history is written by the victors. To assume history will agree with us is to assume we will win. Instead of assuming we will win, we should focus on making sure we actually win.

But no, "Americans" are not famous for concealment by omission. Westerners are. "Americans" did not find it easy to forget the Tulsa Massacre. Americans were the victims in the Tulsa Massacre! It was the Western occupiers, who massacred those Americans, who also found it easy to forget it.
« Last Edit: February 21, 2021, 09:35:51 pm by 90sRetroFan »

90sRetroFan

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Re: Trumpism is an echo
« Reply #8 on: April 01, 2021, 10:29:09 pm »
https://www.yahoo.com/news/white-mobs-rioted-washington-1848-113301086.html

Quote
White mobs rioted in Washington in 1848 to defend slaveholders' rights after 76 Black enslaved people staged an unsuccessful mass escape on a boat
...
On the night of April 15, the Pearl left Washington. Seventy-six Black men, women and children, having quietly left area farms, hid beneath the deck. Drayton and Sayres steered the ship down the Potomac River. They were bound for Philadelphia, where slavery was illegal.

The fugitives did not get far. Owners soon noticed their absence and formed a posse to find them. The posse, aboard a steamboat, overtook and commandeered the Pearl as it entered Chesapeake Bay on April 17. The next day, the fugitives and their white abettors were marched through Washington and thrown in the city jail.
...
Furious at the conspirators’ challenge to the social order, Washington’s white population wanted to punish someone. With Drayton and Sayres awaiting trial behind bars, white supremacists turned against the abolitionist press.
...
The nights of April 18 and 19, thousands gathered outside the National Era’s offices. They gave speeches and spread a false rumor about journalists’ involvement in the Pearl escape. The protesters’ leaders reportedly included U.S. government clerks.

Soon the protesters turned violent. They threw rocks at the building the first night and intended to destroy it the second.
...
James K. Polk, the nation’s president, both defended slavery and enriched himself by it. He enslaved more than 50 people on his Mississippi cotton plantation. While editing his letters, the final volume of them just published, I often read his complaints about escapes from there. Like other slave owners, he relied on relatives and paid agents to capture, return and physically punish the fugitives.

After the Pearl escape, Polk shared the rioters’ belief in white supremacy and their indignation at resistance to enslavement. He also shared their hostility toward abolitionists and pro-reform newspapers, blaming those in his diary for the whole incident: “The outrage committed by stealing or seducing the slaves … had produced the excitement & the threatened violence on the abolition press.”
...
Captains Drayton and Sayres suffered for their efforts. Convicted of illegally transporting slaves, they remained incarcerated until President Millard Fillmore pardoned them in 1852.

Even worse off were the people they had helped escape. Abolitionists bought a very few their liberty, but nearly all returned to slavery. Many were sold farther south, more distant than ever from their dream of freedom.

90sRetroFan

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Re: Trumpism is an echo
« Reply #9 on: May 12, 2021, 01:57:04 am »
https://us.yahoo.com/news/anti-white-watch-racist-answer-085222376.html

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Anti-White Watch, a platform “dedicated to documenting bias, policies, hate, and violence directed at ethnic-European people worldwide.” Its main web portal maintains a heat map and database of alleged anti-white incidents—focusing on accounts of brutal violence supposedly enacted by non-white perpetrators, pulled from across the web by admins and readers. It also catalogues numerous alleged hate-crime “hoaxes,” incidents that many on the right believe malicious actors—often assumed to be liberal elites—either inflate or fully fabricate in order to stoke racial tensions for their benefit, and to slander white people as racists.

“They try to both minimize the apparent threat from the far right,” Kurt Braddock, an expert on white-supremacist communication and radicalization strategies at American University, told The Daily Beast, “and to make it seem like the real threat to America is minorities.”
...
White bigots started fabricating accounts of violence allegedly committed by non-white people, especially Black men, at least as far back as the antebellum era. Initially, these tales served as a justification for America’s uniquely brutal form of slavery, and wider racist legal framework. After the Civil War, the same sort of fear-mongering anecdotes were repurposed to support segregation and other forms of oppression, as well as brutal reprisals against any non-white person who (literally) so much as looked at a white person wrong.
...
These new efforts seem to be modeling themselves on the Anti-Defamation League

Reminder:

http://aryanism.net/blog/aryan-sanctuary/droptheadl/
« Last Edit: May 12, 2021, 02:00:15 am by 90sRetroFan »

90sRetroFan

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Re: Trumpism is an echo
« Reply #10 on: May 19, 2021, 09:57:09 pm »


Monetary reparations are an insult. The minimum justice is eliminating the bloodlines of all descendants of the perpetrators.

90sRetroFan

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Re: Trumpism is an echo
« Reply #11 on: May 20, 2021, 10:35:12 pm »
https://us.yahoo.com/news/california-city-apologizes-history-hate-234531668.html

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A California city has formally apologized to early Chinese immigrants and their descendants for the historic injustices suffered at the hands of Antioch's founding community.

Why it matters: A rise in anti-Asian hate has focused attention on the United States' legacy of racism against Asian Americans. The treatment of Asian Americans today is directly connected to those early years, Antioch Mayor Lamar A. Thorpe said.

Background: Chinese who immigrated to California in the 19th century repeatedly faced racism, scapegoating and xenophobia, which the city says was at its peak between 1850 and 1870.

    During that period, Antioch officially became a "sundown town," banning Chinese residents from walking city streets after sunset.

    To commute between work and home, Chinese residents built a series of tunnels connecting the business district to their homes.

    Like most of U.S., Antioch participated in "The Driving Out" and forcibly removed Chinese residents. On one particular day in 1876, white mobs gave Chinese residents until 3 p.m. to leave the city before burning Chinatown to the ground — "no exceptions," the city said.

What they're saying: "[T]he story of Chinese immigrants and the dehumanizing atrocities committed against them should not be purged from or minimized in the telling of Antioch’s history," the city said in its resolution.

    The city also said it "must acknowledge that the legacy of early Chinese immigrants and xenophobia are part of our collective consciousness that helps contribute to the current anti-Asian-American and Pacific Islander hate."

    Antioch is the first city in the U.S. to officially apologize for mistreatment of Chinese people, Thorpe said in a news conference last month.

90sRetroFan

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Re: Trumpism is an echo
« Reply #12 on: June 04, 2021, 10:20:30 pm »


Ignore 5:33.

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Re: BLM
« Reply #13 on: June 05, 2021, 11:31:10 am »
Why the US government murdered Fred Hampton
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What we aren't taught about the Black Panther Party.


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Tyrone Kalu
2 days ago
I Gotta give my respect to my English Teacher who fought the school's curriculum to teach us about the death of Fred Hampton when I was in the 11th grade.
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theFLCLguy
1 day ago
This should be taught in every school.

guest5

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Tulsa's Not The Only Race Massacre
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The Tulsa Massacre isn't the only race massacre you weren't taught in school.