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Posted by: guest78
« on: November 28, 2022, 01:52:20 pm »

'Russia is a neo-imperialist state' undefeated they will attack again | Chip Chapman

Decolonize Russia
To avoid more senseless bloodshed, the Kremlin must lose what empire it still retains.
The former national security adviser Zbigniew Brzezinski once said that without Ukraine, Russia would cease to be an empire. It’s a pithy statement, but it’s not true. Even if Vladimir Putin fails to wrest back Ukraine, his country will remain a haphazard amalgamation of regions and nations with hugely varied histories, cultures, and languages. The Kremlin will continue ruling over colonial holdings in places including Chechnya, Tatarstan, Siberia, and the Arctic.

Russia’s history is one of almost ceaseless expansion and colonization, and Russia is the last European empire that has resisted even basic decolonization efforts, such as granting subject populations autonomy and a meaningful voice in choosing the country’s leaders. And as we’ve seen in Ukraine, Russia is willing to resort to war to reconquer regions it views as its rightful possessions.
During and after the collapse of the Soviet Union, when the Russian empire hit its modern nadir, the United States refused to safeguard the newly won independence of multiple post-Soviet states, citing misplaced concerns about humiliating Moscow. Emboldened by the West’s reluctance, Moscow began to reclaim the lands it lost. Now Russia’s revanchism—aided by our inaction and broader ignorance of the history of Russian imperialism—has revived the possibility of nuclear conflict and instigated the worst security crisis the world has seen in decades. Once Ukraine staves off Russia’s attempt to recolonize it, the West must support full freedom for Russia’s imperial subjects.

The U.S. had an opportunity to unwind the Russian empire before. In September 1991, as the Soviet Union was falling apart, President George H. W. Bush convened his National Security Council. In the lead-up to the meeting, the White House seemed unsure how to handle the splintering superpower. Some of Bush’s closest advisers even called for trying to keep the Soviet Union together.

Defense Secretary Dick Cheney was not one of them. “We could get an authoritarian regime [in Russia] still,” he warned during the meeting. “I am concerned that a year or so from now, if it all goes sour, how we can answer that we did not do more.” His end goal was clear: as Deputy National Security Adviser Robert Gates later wrote, Cheney “wanted to see the dismantlement not only of the Soviet Union and the Russian empire but of Russia itself, so it could never again be a threat to the rest of the world.”

Bush demurred. Rather than accelerate the Soviet disintegration, he tried to avoid antagonizing Moscow, even as President Boris Yeltsin’s administration began pushing the anti-Ukrainian animus that Putin now embodies. For years—as Russia stabilized and eventually prospered, and as Cheney masterminded some of the most disastrous American foreign-policy decisions in recent decades—many believed that Bush had selected the better strategy. Armageddon, as one historian phrased it, was averted.
Entire article:

I would like to see the full dismantling of Russia also, as I'm sure many more would like to see it now too.
Posted by: guest78
« on: November 26, 2022, 07:41:11 pm »

The Forgotten US Invasion of Russia
Decades before the beginning of the Cold War, the relationship between the US and the Soviet Government had already become heated. President Reagan had forgot to mention - or had simply forgotten - that American and Soviet troops had already engaged in active combat on several occasions, from August 1918 to April 1920. This is the story of the almost forgotten American invasion of Soviet Russia.
Posted by: 90sRetroFan
« on: October 17, 2022, 02:46:23 am »

Today let's look at:

The Russo-Persian War of 1722–1723, known in Russian historiography as the Persian campaign of Peter the Great,[9] was a war between the Russian Empire and Safavid Iran, triggered by the tsar's attempt to expand Russian influence in the Caspian and Caucasus regions and to prevent its rival, the Ottoman Empire, from territorial gains in the region at the expense of declining Safavid Iran.

The Russian victory ratified for Safavid Iran's cession of their territories in the North Caucasus, South Caucasus and contemporary northern Iran to Russia, comprising the cities of Derbent (southern Dagestan) and Baku and their nearby surrounding lands, as well as the provinces of Gilan, Shirvan, Mazandaran and Astarabad conform the Treaty of Saint Petersburg (1723).[8]

The Treaty of Saint Petersburg of 23 September [O.S. 12 September] 1723[1][2] concluded the Russo-Persian War of 1722-1723 between Imperial Russia and Safavid Iran. It ratified Iran's forced ceding of its territories in the North Caucasus, South Caucasus, and contemporary mainland Northern Iran, comprising Derbent (Dagestan), Baku, the respective surrounding lands of Shirvan, as well as the provinces of Gilan, Mazandaran, and Astarabad.[3] The treaty further specified that the Iranian king would receive Russian troops for domestic peacekeeping.[4]

As the Cambridge History of Iran states;

"On 23 September 1723, his ambassador in Saint Petersburg, Ismail Beg, signed a humiliating treaty which stipulated that the Tsar would accord the shah friendship and help against rebels and would maintain the shah in tranquil possession of his throne. In return the shah promised to permanently cede to Russia: ... the towns of Darband (Derbent), Baku, with all the territories belonging to them, as well as the provinces: Gilan, Mazandaran, and Astarabad

Peter was determined to keep the newly conquered Iranian territories in the Caucasus and northern mainland Iran. However, he was concerned about their safety and thus ordered the fortifications at Derbent and Holy Cross to be strengthened.[8] He was determined to attach Gilan and Mazandaran to Russia.[8] In May 1724, the Tsar wrote to Matiushkin, Russian commander in Rasht, that he should invite "Armenians and other Christians, if there are such, to Gilan and Mazandaran and settle them, while Muslims should be very quietly, so that they would not know it, diminished in number as much as possible."[8]

The 1804–1813 Russo-Persian War was one of the many wars between the Persian Empire and Imperial Russia, and began like many of their wars as a territorial dispute. The new Persian king, Fath Ali Shah Qajar, wanted to consolidate the northernmost reaches of his kingdom—modern-day Georgia—which had been annexed by Tsar Paul I several years after the Russo-Persian War of 1796. Like his Persian counterpart, the Tsar Alexander I was also new to the throne and equally determined to control the disputed territories.

The war ended in 1813 with the Treaty of Gulistan which ceded the previously disputed territory of Georgia to Imperial Russia, and also the Iranian territories of Dagestan, most of what is nowadays Azerbaijan, and minor parts of Armenia.

The Treaty of Gulistan (Russian: Гюлистанский договор; Persian: عهدنامه گلستان) was a peace treaty concluded between the Russian Empire and Iran on 24 October 1813 in the village of Gulistan (now in the Goranboy District of Azerbaijan) as a result of the first full-scale Russo-Persian War (1804 to 1813). The peace negotiations were precipitated by the successful storming of Lankaran by General Pyotr Kotlyarevsky on 1 January 1813. It was the first of the series of treaties (the last being the Akhal Treaty) signed between Qajar Iran and Imperial Russia that forced Persia to cede or recognize Russian influence over the territories that formerly were part of Iran.[1][2]

The treaty confirmed the ceding and inclusion of what is now Dagestan, eastern Georgia, most of the Republic of Azerbaijan and parts of northern Armenia from Iran into the Russian Empire.

"Russia by this instrument was confirmed in possession of all the khanates -- Karabagh, Ganja, Shekeen, Shirvan, Derbend, Kouba, and Baku, together with part of Talish and the fortress of Lenkoran. Persia further abandoned all pretensions to Daghestan, Georgia, Mingrelia, Imeretia, and Abkhazia."[18]
The lands include:
All the cities, towns, and villages of Georgia, including all the villages and towns on the coast of the Black Sea, such as:
Almost all cities, towns, and villages of the khanates in the South Caucasus and partly North Caucasus:
Baku khanate,
Shirvan Khanate,
Derbent Khanate,
Karabakh khanate,
Ganja khanate,
Shaki Khanate,
Quba Khanate,
part of the Talysh Khanate;
Iran loses all rights to navigate the Caspian Sea, and Russia is granted exclusive rights to station its military fleet in the Caspian Sea.
Even today, Iran officially sees it and the later Treaty of Turkmenchay as some of its most humiliating treaties ever signed.

The war had even more disastrous results for Persia than the 1804-1813 war, as the ensuing Treaty of Turkmenchay stripped Persia of its last remaining territories in the Caucasus, which comprised all of modern Armenia, the southern remainder of modern Azerbaijan, and modern Igdir in Turkey. Through the Gulistan and Turkmenchay treaties Persia lost all of its territories in the Caucasus to Russia. These territories had once extended throughout most of Transcaucasia and part of the North Caucasus.

The war marked the end of the era of the Russo-Persian Wars, with Russia now the unquestioned dominant power in the Caucasus. Persia (Iran) was forced to cede swaths of territories that it never regained. The conquered territories spent more than 160 years under Russian domination before establishing their independence, except Dagestan, which is still a Russian possession.

The Treaty of Turkmenchay (Persian: عهدنامه ترکمنچای; Russian: Туркманчайский договор) was an agreement between Qajar Iran and the Russian Empire, which concluded the Russo-Persian War (1826–28). It was second of the series of treaties (the first was the 1813 Treaty of Gulistan and the last, the 1881 Treaty of Akhal) signed between Qajar Iran and Imperial Russia that forced Persia to cede or recognize Russian influence over the territories that formerly were part of Iran.[1][2]
Similarly to the 1813 Treaty of Gulistan, the treaty was imposed on Persia following a Russian military victory. Paskievich threatened to occupy Tehran in five days unless the treaty was signed.[4]
Following this treaty, as well as the Treaty of Gulistan, Russia had finished conquering all the Caucasus territories from Qajar Iran what is now Dagestan, eastern Georgia, Azerbaijan, and Armenia, all of which had formed part of its very concept for centuries.[5] The areas north of the Aras River, such as the territory of the contemporary nations of Georgia, Azerbaijan, Armenia and the North Caucasian Republic of Dagestan, were Iranian until they were occupied by Russia during the 19th century.[6][7][8][9][10][11]

Following the two treaties, the formerly Iranian territories came under the Russian, and later the Soviet control for approximately 180 years, and Dagestan remains a constituent republic within the Russian Federation to this day. Comprising most of the territory ceded in Gulistan and Turkmenchay treaties, three separate nations would gain independence following the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991: Georgia, Azerbaijan and Armenia.


The only good part:

In the aftermath of the war and the signing of the treaty, anti-Russian sentiment in Persia was rampant. On 11 February 1829, an angry mob stormed the Russian embassy in Tehran and killed almost everyone inside. Among those killed in the massacre was the newly-appointed ambassador to Persia, Aleksander Griboyedov, a celebrated Russian playwright. Griboyedov had played an active role in negotiating the terms of the treaty.[21]
Posted by: 90sRetroFan
« on: September 23, 2022, 03:23:44 am »

A useful summary:

In the 19th century, the Russian Empire was party to many of the “unequal treaties” that compelled China to hand over territory, money, and other spoils to European powers. The 1858 Treaty of Aigun and 1860 Treaty of Peking were particularly harsh, forcing China to forfeit approximately 1 million square kilometers (km) of territory to the Russian Empire.

Treaty of Kulja (1851)   Russia gained access to trade with areas in Xinjiang.
Treaty of Aigun (1858)   China forfeited over 600,000 square kilometers of land to Russia.
Treaty of Tientsin (1858)   Russia gained the right to trade with treaty ports by sea, as well as expanded extraterritoriality in treaty ports. Russia also established a legation in Beijing.
Treaty of Peking (1860)   China ceded large swaths of its northeastern territory to Russia.
Treaty of St. Petersburg (1881)   China paid Russia 9 million silver rubles. Russia expanded its consular network in Western China and Russian traders were allowed duty-free trade in Xinjiang and Mongolia.
Li-Lobanov Treaty (1896)   Russian warships gained access to Chinese ports. Russia was permitted to build a railway through Heilongjiang and Jilin Provinces and station troops to protect it. China reduced tariff rates on Russian goods.
Convention for the Lease of the Liaotung Peninsula (1898)   Russia was granted the lease to Port Arthur (in modern day Dalian) and Russian railways were permitted to extend to the port.
Boxer Protocol (1900)   China was forced to pay 450 million taels of silver to 8 powers, with the lion’s share (29 percent) going to Russia.
Sino-Soviet Border Conflicts (1968-1969)   China and Russia engaged in multiple border skirmishes, including at Zhenbao Island, where 72 were killed and 68 wounded on the Chinese side.

Posted by: guest78
« on: August 19, 2022, 01:43:41 am »

The World's Last Colonial Empire: Collapse or Survival?
Is Russian society ready to make the full sacrifice for the country's superpower? Or, is it however exactly the opposite?

Another excellent video from the Good Times Bad Times channel.
Posted by: 90sRetroFan
« on: August 10, 2022, 09:12:49 pm »

Continuing from:


besides Outer Manchuria being directly stolen by Russia, who was really behind the breakaway of Mongolia? Answer:

Although nominally independent, the Mongolian People's Republic was a satellite state of the Soviet Union until a third Mongolian revolution in January 1990.
Early in 1919, Grigori Semyonov, a White Guard general, had assembled a group of Buryats and Inner Mongols in Siberia for the formation of a pan-Mongolian state. The Khalkhas were invited to join, but they refused. Semyonov threatened an invasion to force them to participate. This threat galvanized the lay princes, who now saw a larger opportunity: the end of theocratic rule. In August, the Mongolian Foreign Minister approached Chen Yi with a message from the "representatives of the four aimags" (i.e., the Khalkhas) with a request for military assistance against Semyonov. More importantly, perhaps, it contained a declaration that the Khalkhas were unanimous in their desire to abolish autonomy and restore the previous Qing system.
Russian expatriates in Urga had elected a revolutionary "Municipal Duma", headed by Bolshevik sympathisers, which had learned of the Consular Hill group. In early March 1920, the Duma was sending one of its members, I. Sorokovikov, to Irkutsk. It decided that he should also take a report with him about these Mongolians. Sorokovikov met with representatives of the two groups. On his return to Urga in June, he met with them again, promising that the Soviet government would provide "assistance of all kinds" to the Mongolian "workers". He invited them to send representatives to Russia for further discussions.[20]

A new sense of purposefulness now animated both groups. They had maintained a wary distance from one another, perhaps because of their different agendas—the Consular Hill group espousing a rather progressive social program while the East Urga group was more nationalistic in its goals—and there had been little cooperation between the two. The Soviet invitation changed that. The two groups met on 25 June, and formed the "Mongolian People's Party" (renamed later the Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party), adopted a "Party Oath", and agreed to send Danzan and Choibalsan as delegates to Russia.[21]

Danzan and Choibalsan arrived in Verkhneudinsk, the capital of the pro-Soviet Far Eastern Republic, in the first part of July. They met with Boris Shumyatsky, then acting head of the government. Shumyatsky knew little about them, and for three weeks dodged their demands for a speedy Soviet decision whether or not to provide military assistance to the Mongolians against the Chinese. Finally, perhaps at Shumyatsky's suggestion, they sent a telegram to members of the MPP in Urga with a coded message that they should obtain a letter, stamped with the seal of the Bogd Khan, formally requesting Soviet assistance.
After several meetings with Soviet authorities in Omsk, the Mongolian delegation was told that such an important matter could be decided only in Moscow. Danzan and his compatriots left for Moscow, arriving in about mid-September. For over a month they met frequently but inconclusively with Soviet and Comintern officials.

A White Guard invasion of Mongolia under Baron Roman von Ungern-Sternberg, however, forced the Soviet government into action. In late October to early November 1920, around 1,000 troops under his command had laid siege to the Chinese garrison in Urga numbered about 7,000.
The Chinese garrison in Urga, however, successfully repulsed von Ungern-Sternberg's attack. This altered the Soviet strategy. The army of the Far Eastern Republic was already exhausted. Only the Fifth Army of the Reds was left on the eastern front, and already by late 1920 many of its more experienced units had either been demobilized, or sent west to fight in Poland, or assigned to the labor front, where they were needed to repair the badly damaged Siberian economy.[27] Thus, when the Chinese repulsed von Ungern-Sternberg, the Soviets on 28 November withdrew their order for an invasion.[28]

However, von Ungern-Sternberg launched a second attack in early February 1921. This time he was successful. Chinese soldiers and civilians fled the city in panic. With the fall of Urga, the Chinese administrations and military garrisons at Uliastai and Khovd departed quickly for Xinjiang. The Bogd Khan was restored as Mongolian monarch by von Ungern-Sternberg. The Bogd Khan and his government were also restored, and a solemn ceremony held on 22 February.
News of von Ungern-Sternberg's seizure of Urga again influenced Soviet plans. A plenary session of the Comintern in Irkutsk on February 10 passed a formal resolution to aid the "struggle of the Mongolian people for liberation and independence with money, guns and military instructors".[29] With Soviet support, the MPP was now a serious contender for power. The Party, hitherto rather amorphous and loosely connected, required better organisational and ideological definition. A party conference (subsequently regarded as the first congress of the Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party) met secretly on 1–3 March at Kyakhta. The first session was attended by 17 persons, the second by 26. The Party approved the creation of an army command staff headed by Sükhbaatar with two Russian advisors, elected a central committee chaired by Danzan with one representative from the Comintern, and adopted a party manifesto composed by the progressive Buryat Jamsrangiin Tseveen.[30] On 13 March, a provisional government of seven men was formed, soon to be headed by Bodoo. On 18 March, the Mongolian guerrilla army, its ranks now enlarged to 400 through recruitment and conscription, seized the Chinese garrison at Kyakhta Maimaicheng (the Chinese portion of Kyakhta). A new confidence now animated the Party. It issued a proclamation announcing the formation of the government, the expulsion of the Chinese, and the promise to convene a congress of "representatives of the masses" to elect a permanent government.[31]

About ultra-Turanist von Ungern-Sternberg:

He also had Hungarian roots and claimed descent from Batu Khan, Genghis Khan's grandson, which played a role in his dream of reviving the Mongol Empire.[4]
As a boy, Ungern-Sternberg was noted for being such a ferocious bully that even the other bullies feared him and several parents forbade their children from playing with him as he was a "terror".[7] Ungern was well known for his love of torturing animals, and at the age of 12 he tried to strangle to death his cousin's pet owl for no particularly good reason other than his cruelty towards animals.[7]
Ungern-Sternberg believed that return to monarchies in Europe was possible with the aid of "cavalry people" – meaning Russian Cossacks, Buryats, Tatars, Mongols, Kyrgyz, Kalmyks, etc.[10]
In 1905, he left the school to join the fighting in eastern Russia during the Russo-Japanese War, but it is unclear whether he participated in operations against the Japanese or if all military operations had ceased before his arrival in Manchuria,[13] although he was awarded the Russo-Japanese War Medal in 1913.[14]
There is a widespread view that he was viewed by Mongols as the incarnation of the "God of War" (the figure of Jamsaran in Tibetan and Mongol folklore). Although many Mongols may have believed him to be a deity or at the very least a re-incarnation of Genghis Khan, Ungern was never officially proclaimed to be any of those incarnations.[20]

After graduating, he served as an officer in eastern Siberia in the 1st Argunsky and then in the 1st Amursky Cossack regiments, where he became enthralled with the lifestyle of nomadic peoples, such as the Mongols and Buryats.
Ungern was an excellent horseman, who earned the respect of the Mongols and the Buryats because of his skill at riding and fighting from a horse and for being equally adept at using both a gun and his sword.[25]
Posted by: 90sRetroFan
« on: June 07, 2022, 07:52:23 pm »

Posted by: guest55
« on: May 25, 2022, 04:59:37 pm »

Why is the Russian army so brutal? | Military historian Antony Beevor
There seems no doubt that atrocities and war crimes have been committed on a massive scale by Russian soldiers in Ukraine. Why is the Russian army so brutal? We are joined by one of Britain's foremost historians Anthony Beevor whose new book is “Russia: Revolution and Civil War 1917-1921”
Posted by: guest55
« on: May 22, 2022, 11:32:09 pm »

How Russia Became an Empire - Great Northern War DOCUMENTARY
Kings and Generals animated historical animated documentary series on the Early Modern history continues with a video on the Great Northern War in which we will talk about the conflict in which the Swedish king Charles XII attempted to win against an alliance of Russia, Denmark, Prussia, Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the others. This conflict led to the rise of the Russian empire under Peter I, the fall of the Swedish empire and the destabilization of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. We will cover all the major battles of this conflict, including Gedebusch, Gangut, Narva, Poltava, Kliszow, Fraustadt, Lesnaya and many more.
Posted by: rp
« on: April 19, 2022, 03:05:57 am »

Westernized "Asian" YouTuber makes video claiming that Russia and China have no border disputes, and that China can't claim Outer Manchuria because it is "ethnically and culturally Russian/Jewish".:
Posted by: guest55
« on: April 13, 2022, 10:35:42 pm »

Trivia: Many Polish folk songs are in Lydian mode....
Posted by: rp
« on: April 13, 2022, 09:38:39 pm »

"So no, I would not expect to see much Lydian blood in Manchuria."
What I meant to say was ethnic Manchu features. But I do not see any among the "residents" (settlers).
Posted by: 90sRetroFan
« on: April 13, 2022, 09:22:41 pm »

"You would think that the ethnic makeup of the residents would at least have some "Asiatic" admixture"

I know you put "" around it, but it is still inaccurate. This is the only correct definition of Asia:

The word "Asia" comes from the Greek word Ἀσία, originally only applied to the eastern shore of the Aegean Sea,[1] known to the Lydians who occupied it as Assuwa. It came to be used by the Greeks for all of Lydia (the northwestern part of what is today Turkey), that shore being the closest part of Lydia to modern-day Greece. The Roman province of Asia occupied almost exactly the same territory as that of the Lydian kingdom.

So no, I would not expect to see much Lydian blood in Manchuria.

"the town borders China"

The town was in China until Russia moved the border!

Chinese maps from the Yuan dynasty (1271–1368) label Vladivostok as Yongmingcheng (永明城; Yǒngmíngchéng).[citation needed] Since the Qing dynasty, the city has been known as Haishenwai (海參崴; Hǎishēnwăi) in Chinese, from the Manchu Haišenwai (Manchu: ᡥᠠᡳᡧᡝᠨᠸᡝᡳ; Möllendorff: Haišenwai; Abkai: Haixenwai) or 'small seaside village'.[17]

By the way, how Eurocentrist is present-day China? Here is another exhibit:

In China, Vladivostok is now officially known by the transliteration 符拉迪沃斯托克 (Fúlādíwòsītuōkè), although the historical Chinese name 海参崴 (Hǎishēnwǎi) is still often used in common parlance and outside Mainland China to refer to the city.[18][19] According to the provisions of the Chinese government, all maps published in China have to bracket the city's Chinese name.[20]

See also:

"the original inhabitants were displaced."

Posted by: rp
« on: April 13, 2022, 08:41:03 pm »

I was just watching this video on "Vladivostok":

You would think that the ethnic makeup of the residents would at least have some "Asiatic" admixture, given that the town borders China, and that this would be reflected in the phenotypes. But no; the demographics seem to be monoethnically "White", which suggests that the original inhabitants were displaced.
Posted by: 90sRetroFan
« on: April 04, 2022, 01:01:08 am »

Located near the southernmost point of the Liaodong Peninsula, the city of Dalian came under the territorial control of the Russian Empire from 1898 until that country's defeat in the Russo-Japanese War in 1905.
In 1897 Russia signed with Qing China a secret agreement for the establishment under Russian guidance of the Chinese Eastern Railway. On December 15, 1897, Russia, fearing that without decisive action it might lose its chance to seize the port of Dalian to another imperial power such as Germany, which earlier that year had taken control of Qingdao, had its fleet steam into Dalian harbor. On March 27, 1898, Russia signed the Pavlov Agreement with China, which granted Russia a 25-year lease on Dalian and Lushun and exclusive right to lay a branch of the Chinese Eastern Railway to them - what would become the South Manchurian Railway.[2] At first, the flags of both China and Russia were raised over the city, something that assuaged the anger of some local Chinese. Within a few weeks, however, the Chinese ensign was no longer flying.[3]

The part in bold summarizes the Russian attitude towards China.

Dalniy soon became a center of Russian military power in the Far East. In 1897 there were already 12,500 Russian troops in Lushun and the surrounding area, a number that would grow to 35,000 by 1904.[4] However, the powerful Russian Finance Minister Sergei Witte had larger visions for the region than just a military garrison. Witte was overseeing the development of the Chinese Eastern Railway and soon pushed through plans to extend the railway from Harbin to the port at Dalny. In such a vision the city would become a powerful open trading port in the Far East while nearby Port Arthur would be an exclusive Russian military city. On 8 November 1899, Nicholas II ordered the start of construction of this port city, and - at Witte's suggestion - christened the city Dal’nii (or Dalniy: Dalian), meaning “far away” in Russian.[5]
The Russian development of the city by necessity involved the uprooting of the location's original Chinese inhabitants. In the summer of 1899, this sparked an angry riot in which Chinese attacked the railway office with stones, dragging away the Chinese clerks and interpreters working for the Russians.
By 1904 enough progress had been made on the development of the city to embolden the Comte Cassini, Russian minister to the United States, to declare that “Harbin and Dalniy are monuments to Russian progressiveness and civilization.”[12]

The part in bold summarizes the correct Chinese attitude towards Russia which existed prior to Westernization.

In the mid-1990s the mayor of Dalian, Bo Xilai, conceived the idea of renovating the remaining Russian-era structures on the street, adding new ones built in a Russian style, and renaming the street Russian Street. Work on the project began in 1999 and brought in Russian architects and other experts. Eight Russian era buildings were renovated, including the former Russian Dalniy City Hall, six new buildings were built, and six other existing structures were given "Russian façades" to match the street's theme. The newly renovated street was inaugurated on 1 October 2000.[14]

The part in bold summarizes the Chinese Eurocentrist attitude towards Russia accompanying Westernization.