True Left

Yeah, you are. But you're an Indian Commie, the shitty variant that produces deindustrialised states and might be worse than the British Raj. Please don't equate yourself to space faring, frontiers of science expanding, militaristic, virile, Soviets and Chinese. Thanks.

No serious Communist would support **** like "federalism" (codename for local kulaks running their Satrapy). Centralized States are what have the ability to create classless societies.

Pajeet Communism is one of the saddest things in  existence.

The fact that Communism failed in India where it was supposed to have the most appeal...is a testament to how **** useless Pajeet Communists are.

Ernesto "Che" Guevara was a White supremacist and a homophobe.
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in his youth he tortured small animals and he enjoyed watching his victims suffer and die and took great pleasure in looking them right in their eyes as he killed them.
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Anyone who deviated from the “new man” was seen as a ”counter-revolutionary.” Such was the case of gay men —whom Guevara referred to as “sexual perverts.” Both Guevara and Castro considered homosexuality a bourgeois decadence.
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Guevara also espoused racist views. In his diary, he referred to black people as “those magnificent examples of the African race who have maintained their racial purity thanks to their lack of an affinity with bathing.” He also thought white Europeans were superior to people of African descent, and described Mexicans as “a band of illiterate Indians.”
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BASED GUEVARA.

I always found it funny how libtards will buy T shirts of Che Guerva from private companies while claiming he would agree with all of their views. All communists historically hated ****

Workers of the world, unite and fight for a white South Africa. - South Africa Industrial Federation, 1922

The renewed emphasis on whiteness after World War I also took place within several Western nations. As we have seen, the war itself had brought large numbers of men of color to Europe, especially France, and in the United States had fueled the first Great Migration of African-Americans to the North.64 The end of the war brought a powerful rejection of this wartime multiculturalism and a reassertion of whiteness, at times in conjunction with radical and revolutionary labor movements.  The ultimate example of this came in 1922, when striking South African miners adopted the slogan Workers of the world unite and fight for a white
South Africa, but this was not an isolated incident.65 The year 1919 in particular saw intense labor and revolutionary struggles as well as widespread race riots. From January to August of that year, for example, a  series of riots erupted in Britain’s port cities, as white sailors and longshoremen attacked men from the Caribbean, Africa, and South Asia and the Middle East. In a climate of postwar economic downturn, white port workers and their unions attacked nonwhites for “taking” their jobs, often successfully expelling them from increasingly white workplaces on the docks of Liverpool, Bristol, London, and other cities. This took place in a climate of radical working-class politics in general, so that in Glasgow Scottish workers seemed to threaten revolution.66

The situation was more extreme in France. During the war France  had brought in more than 300,000 workers from its colonies and China  to labor in its factories and fields. With the end of the war, tensions increased between industry, the government, and the unions over the role of labor in the postwar period. Dazzled by the specter of the Russian  Revolution, many French workers moved sharply to the left, leading to the creation of the French Communist Party at the end of 1920.67 At the  same time, however, France needed labor more than ever. Roughly 1.6  million Frenchmen had died in the war, and many more had returned  wounded and unable to work. Moreover, the nation had one of the lowest birth rates in Europe and would soon achieve negative population growth in the interwar years, while at the same time it needed more workers to rebuild the country and repair the destruction caused by the war.68

In this revolutionary climate, however, the one thing all the major parties could agree on was the need to get rid of colonial workers. By the end of 1919 French authorities had rounded up and repatriated  90 percent of the “exotic” workers in the country. At the same time, it made new arrangements to bring foreign workers from Southern and  Eastern Europe, whose numbers would swell to the millions in the  1920s. In making the argument for European over colonial labor, French  authorities made clear their desire to reverse the multiracial immigration that had begun during the war, saying “[It is necessary] To call  upon labor of European origin, in preference to colonial or exotic labor, because of the social and ethnic difficulties which could arise from the  presence upon French soil of ethnographic elements too clearly distinct  from the rest of the population.”69 The choice of European over “exotic”  workers was a clear statement of the importance of whiteness to the  character of the nation, and it paralleled the contrast between the extension of liberal democracy in postwar Europe and the continuation of  imperial rule in postwar Asia and Africa.70