Author Topic: Turanian diffusion  (Read 2526 times)


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Re: Turanian diffusion
« on: August 21, 2020, 11:54:24 pm »

Due to certain reasons, the culture of nomadic societies was formed as a militant civilization. Most researchers express different points of view in regards to the emergence of this type of civilization. A prominent scholar Kradina, for example, in her article entitled "Nomads in the world-historical process" mentions about the aspects of the development of the nomadic society as such: "The need for the unification of nomads arises only in the case of wars for the resources of existence, the organization of plundering of farmers or expansion into their territory, in establishing control over trade routes. In this situation, the folding of a complex political organization of nomads in the form of nomadic empires is both a product of integration and a consequence of the conflict (between nomads and farmers)”.

However, it must be mentioned that for a successful waging of wars, a powerful military organization was needed. Researchers managed to notice an interesting circumstance that the degree of centralization of nomads was directly proportional to the magnitude of the neighbouring agricultural civilization.

Another model of political genesis, applicable to the origin of the steppe empires, is "commercial". Its main premise is that foreign trade exchange with the subsequent redistribution of rare and prestigious goods among subjects is an important component of the power of the leaders and rulers of early states. The stability of the steppe empires directly depended on the ability of the highest authority to organize the receipt of silk, agricultural products, handicrafts and exquisite jewellery from sedentary territories. Since these products could not be produced in a cattle-breeding farm, obtaining it by force or extortion was the primary responsibility of the ruler of the nomadic society. As the only mediator between China and the Steppe, the ruler of the nomadic society had the opportunity to control the redistribution of the extraction received from China, and thereby he strengthened his own power. This made it possible to maintain an empire that could not exist on the basis of an extensive pastoral economy.

All this predetermined the dual nature of the "steppe empires". Outwardly, they looked despotic, conquering state-like societies, since they were created to seize the surplus product from outside the Steppe. But from within, the nomadic empires remained based on tribal links without establishing taxation and exploitation of pastoralists. The power of the ruler of the steppe society, as a rule, was not based on the possibility of applying legitimate violence, but on his ability to organize military campaigns and redistribute revenues from trade, tribute and raids to neighbouring countries" [1].

The self-identification of the Kazakhs was built on the basis of a rigid value-based antithetical "us-them", where "us" - is the universal norm and the model, whereas "them" - any and all settled agricultural people and cultures is a paradigmatic set of anomalies. The attitude of the nomads to the culture and way of life of settled agricultural peoples was selectively critical, if not frankly nihilistic. In one of the legends about the origin of the three Kazakh zhuzes, recorded by Mashhur Zhussup Kopeev, the jigits sent to conquer new lands were so responsive to the envoys of the khan on the command given to them to return: "Do not tell us about the return and do not come back yourself. Why should you go back to the region where the horses grow old at five, and the jigits at twenty-five, where only the chicken is known from the birds, and from the lessons - plucking the grass, where the men are like nags, and women - on their minds, where they change Malakhai to the skull-cap, where the knife is changed to a spoon, where there is no other joy like serving Sarts, carrying salt in the summer, and wood and coal in the summer, and serving Sarts, whose vaunted upbringing consists only in eating a wheat cake and drinking with millet soup, at best, being content with the thigh of a tiny quail" [2].

The core of the social relations of nomads and the basic value of a worldview is a kin-generational principle, which is the fundamental principle of self-identification of the individual with both the community and the natural habitat, primarily from the territories as a continuation of one's natural being [8].

Nothing has changed. Literally nothing. Even rightist stereotypes of leftists today ("soyboy" etc.) are thematically identical to the old nomadic stereotypes of peasants.

About the term "Sarts":

It is thus very difficult to attach a single ethnic or even linguistic meaning to the term "Sart". Historically the various Turkic and Persian peoples of Central Asia were identified mostly by their lifestyle, rather than by any notional ethnic or even linguistic difference. The Kazakhs, Kyrgyz, and Turkmens were nomads, herding across steppes, mountains and sand deserts, respectively. The settled Turks and Tajiks, on the other hand, were Sarts, as they either lived in cities such as Khiva, Bukhara or Samarkand, or they lived in rural agricultural communities.


Scientists analyzed the chemical makeup of dental calculus, or plaque, extracted from human teeth dated from the Early Bronze Age to the Mongol Period. More than three-quarters of the individuals tested revealed evidence of dairy consumption.

The extensive nature of the milk consumption suggests the practice was introduced even earlier than 3,000 B.C.

Previous genetic surveys have linked the people of prehistoric Mongolia with herder populations of the western steppe. The connection suggests populations from Russia's Atlai mountains likely brought dairy pastoralism with them as they traveled east.

Milk proteins were identified in the dental calculus of 72% of the individuals.

The earliest individual to show evidence of dairy consumption lived around 5000 years ago and consumed milk from ruminant species, such as cattle, sheep, or goats.

This is the earliest evidence of milk consumption ever to have been identified in East Asia.
The findings push back estimates of dairying in the eastern Steppe by more than 1700 years.

This is why I hate the Western category "Mongoloid", which in accurate usage should only refer to eastern steppe Turanians, but in mainstream usage has been used to refer to (in many cases negligibly Turanian) West Pacific populations as a whole. (The Western category "Caucasoid" is not much better in this regard either, for equivalent reasons.)

The truth is that eastern steppe Turanians and western steppe Turanians clearly are more evolutionarily similar to each other than to their respective non-Turanian neighbours.


Regarding Turanists in India, Iran, etc., I would say it is incorrect to refer to Turanists as "nationalists" since their allegiance is to the Turanian diaspora (including from countries other than their own), not to any nation-state or folk, similar to Jews. They are tribalists, plain and simple.


Towards the end of the Neolithic period, the emergence of archaeological finds from Corded Ware Complex cultural groups (CWC) coincides with the arrival of new ancestry components from the Pontic-Caspian steppe, but exactly when these new peoples arrived and how they mixed with indigenous Europeans remains unclear.

To find out, an international team led by researchers from the University of Tübingen, the University of Bern and the Max Planck Institute for the Science of Human History (MPI-SHH) sequenced the genomes of 96 individuals from 13 Neolithic and early Bronze Age sites in Switzerland, southern Germany and the Alsace region of France. They detect the arrival of this new ancestry as early as 2800 BCE, and suggest that genetic dispersal was a complex process, involving the gradual mixture of parallel, highly genetically structured societies. The researchers also identified one of the oldest known Europeans that was lactose tolerant, dating to roughly 2100 BCE.

"Remarkably, we identified several female individuals without any detectable steppe-related ancestry up to 1000 years after this ancestry arrives in the region," says lead author Anja Furtwängler of the University of Tübingen's Institute for Archeological Sciences.
These results show that CWC was a relatively homogenous population that occupied large parts of Central Europe in the early Bronze Age, but they also show that populations without steppe-related ancestry existed parallel to the CWC cultural groups for hundreds of years.

This is what we need to get back to.